<?xml version="1.0" encoding="utf-8"?>
<rss version="2.0">
<channel>
<title>CERMAM (en)</title>
<link>http://www.cermam.org/en/</link>
<description>Study and Research Center for the Arab and Mediterranean World</description>
<language>en</language>
<copyright>Copyright 2010</copyright>
<lastBuildDate>Mon, 01 Feb 2010 15:06:09 +0100</lastBuildDate>
<generator>http://www.movabletype.org/?v=3.2</generator>
<docs>http://blogs.law.harvard.edu/tech/rss</docs> 

<item>
<title>European and American reaction to « Nag Hammadi » attacks  in Egypt:  Which result? </title>
<description><![CDATA[<p>On January 6, Coptic Christmas Eve, three assailants opened fire on worshipers as they leave the midnight mass, in "Nag Hamadi, some 700 km south of Cairo. Seven people were killed: six Copts and one Muslim policeman. These attacks that mark a real warning signal have generated considerable discussion in Europe as well as the United States. In this article, we attempt to analyze these reactions, and the meanings they give and the results they generate.</p>

<p><img alt="Egyptians[1].jpg" src="http://www.cermam.org/en/logs/Egyptians%5B1%5D.jpg" width="350" height="237" /></p>]]></description>
<link>http://www.cermam.org/en/logs/vue/european_and_american_reaction/</link>
<guid>http://www.cermam.org/en/logs/vue/european_and_american_reaction/</guid>
<category>vue</category>
<pubDate>Mon, 01 Feb 2010 15:06:09 +0100</pubDate>
</item>
<item>
<title>The Unity Government… A delicate Cohesion in Lebanon</title>
<description><![CDATA[<p>For the first time a government in Lebanon gets the confidence of 121 over 128 parliament members. A high score that reveals the new context of harmony amongst different parties in Lebanon, a harmony that was mainly initiated by the positive regional context following the Saudi-Syrian summit held in Damascus. More than 95% of confidence seems to be different for Hariri who was nominated prime minister for the first time in June by a majority of 86 of parliament members' votes, and this difference between the two majorities equals the so called "Harmony" in Lebanon. While trying to put pressure on the opposition to urge it to abdicate some of its demands in forming the government, Hariri resigned, and then was nominated again in September but with a minor majority. Thus, this maneuver was completely reversed to benefit to the opposition, especially after the Saudi-Syrian reconciliation, which urged Hariri to meet the demands of General Aoun, leader of the Free Patriotic Current FPC.</p>

<p><img alt="CAECKC76CAK3UCDRCANBBUIFCAZ24B31CAPJL89FCA5R7O37CATEWT3HCA2K2QA6CAGPPQFOCALH3YNCCA3AS18LCANVC00ECAIQCVCOCA5S4A32CAP0NY2YCAMEJKZ0CADXJLXHCAF17X8RCAEQKKWS.jpg" src="http://www.cermam.org/en/logs/CAECKC76CAK3UCDRCANBBUIFCAZ24B31CAPJL89FCA5R7O37CATEWT3HCA2K2QA6CAGPPQFOCALH3YNCCA3AS18LCANVC00ECAIQCVCOCA5S4A32CAP0NY2YCAMEJKZ0CADXJLXHCAF17X8RCAEQKKWS.jpg" width="123" height="111" /></p>

<p><br />
</p>]]></description>
<link>http://www.cermam.org/en/logs/vue/the_unity_government_a_delicat/</link>
<guid>http://www.cermam.org/en/logs/vue/the_unity_government_a_delicat/</guid>
<category>vue</category>
<pubDate>Mon, 25 Jan 2010 14:29:43 +0100</pubDate>
</item>
<item>
<title>Presidential Elections in Egypt: EL Bardei conditions: A Hope for Change?</title>
<description><![CDATA[<p>A special statement was the subject of various reactions in Egypt. It is the statement of Mohamed El Baradei, the prominent Egyptian diplomat and the Director General of the International Atomic Energy Agency in which he affirmed its acceptance to stand for the Egyptian presidential election of 2011. This statement, if it has caused a feeling of joy for much of the opposition and especially the youngest among it, on the contrary, it caused a real concern for the political regime. The many articles written in the official newspaper "Al Ahram", denouncing and criticizing El Baradei statement affirm this fact. In this context, we will try in this paper to analyze the issues this statement tigers and the possibility of its realization in Egypt. </p>

<p><img alt="images[2].jpg" src="http://www.cermam.org/en/logs/images%5B2%5D.jpg" width="100" height="150" /></p>]]></description>
<link>http://www.cermam.org/en/logs/vue/presidential_elections_in_egyp/</link>
<guid>http://www.cermam.org/en/logs/vue/presidential_elections_in_egyp/</guid>
<category>vue</category>
<pubDate>Thu, 17 Dec 2009 19:24:40 +0100</pubDate>
</item>
<item>
<title>Algeria / Egypt Match: An expression of a rivalry or repression? </title>
<description><![CDATA[<p> 	The 18th of November, the day of the football matches between Algeria and Egypt in Sudan. A very famous day, since the topic was the media object in both countries. Certainly, football matches have their special importance and taste in all the countries of the world, as the game is very popular. However, the transformation of a football competition in a national war is an event that deserves more attention. </p>

<p> 	Through the media, the victory in this match and the one which had preceded him in Cairo, has been transformed - as Amr Elshobaki brilliantly demonstrated in his article in the Egyptian newspaper Al Masry Al – Youm about the medias failure – not only in respective provocations, but also in a matter of and national victory and national prestige not to say dignity. In Egypt, for example, an extraordinary quantity of national songs invaded the radio as well as the television, transforming in the collective mentality, a single sports event in a day of national dignity. Thus, in societies extremely frustrated and living under the burden of authoritarian regimes that have failed to achieve real progress, the victory in a game as popular as soccer easily turns into a national accomplishment, though fictitious. Thus, both governors and governed agree to give the same illusionary though relieving meaning to the same event: For those in power, it is the quest of a degrading legitimacy, for the people, it is the arduous desire to get back a lost feeling of pride. Worth noting that, the President of the Egyptian Republic made, just before the first game, an exceptional visit to the Egyptian players to encourage them, marking a transposition of their victory to a national victory and then an implicit transfer from sports to politics. </p>

<p>	In this context of a perverse media impact - especially those of Egypt- of mobilization and strong war spirit nothing then senseless, that an event occurred to trigger the drama: Some stones were thrown at the Algerian players’ bus in Cairo, in the first match. An event which, though condemned in any case could last without dramatic consequences, if the Algerian media and under the approving eyes of the Algerian regime, have not exploited it. The revenge was violent: Some Egyptian companies in Algeria, the head of which "Orascom" were burned and the Egyptians working there (whose number attaint around 4000) were asked to leave the country. Thus, a highly mobilized people for an illusionary cause and losing the notion of what constitutes a «rule of law» have decided to take revenge. If the popular reaction was too brutal, the Algerian regime's reaction was strange. The latter not only refrained from any intervention to settle the problem, but it asked the owner of "Orascom" for the taxes by back effect, thus showing a certain complicity albeit partially. Thus, for the regimes of the two countries, the transposition from sports to politics was only to please. </p>

<p>	The day of the match arrived in Sudan, and to crown all, the Algerian public, which was transported in the Algerian state military as well as charter planes, armed with knives bought from Sudan, did not hesitate to pursue the Egyptian public. The later has certainly had one of the worst hours of his life before reaching the airport of and return. Several were wounded. The huge and violent demonstrations have taken place and continue to take place in several Egyptian governorates, especially in front of the Algerian Embassy in Cairo. No essays were established by both regimes to defuse this crisis. Seems and for another time that the crisis paired with the powers of the two countries as beneficial rather than harming. But how to understand the vast and violent reaction of the Egyptians, especially the youngest among them? These reactions are rather the product of the humiliation they live each day and in a continuous manner under the rule of an authoritarian regime. The cry of a woman at Cairo airport, returning from Sudan, states that reality: “We were humiliated in Sudan, we were really humiliated, and how not to be, if we already are in our country?” Certainly, the establishment of a demonstration as a way of expressing peaceful protest was quite legitimate; however what was unacceptable was the violent form that it had taken, especially with the launch of "Molotov" and the burning of the Algerian flag. These Egyptian demonstrators like their Algerian counterparts that are feeling humiliated in their daily living, have lost the sense of what is the “rule of law” as its absence is really visible. Hence, they have consequently chosen to take revenge in this brutal and violent manner. This loss of confidence in a political regime that could protect the dignity and rights violations is what led to this violence. This is what an Egyptian demonstrator has just launched: "If we do not tear our rights, nobody will respect us now." The reaction of an auditor of the Egyptian president's speech a few days after this tragedy states the same idea: "Please repeat the phrase you just said: The dignity of the Egyptian citizen is the dignity of Egypt". </p>

<p>	Hence, if the sports event is completed, however, the misfortune and hatred it caused will take time before a cure can be established. Remains to ask ourselves: What future for societies whose people live an extreme repression? What future for people, who increasingly lose the notion of "rule of law", as it is doomed to disappear? </p>

<p><strong><em> Nadine ABDALLA <em></strong><br />
Phd researcher at 'Institut d'Etude Politique (IEP) de Grenoble, France, Research Internship at 'Institut d'Etude Politique de Lausanne, Lausanne University (Unil) and Reseacher assistant associates to CERMAM</p>]]></description>
<link>http://www.cermam.org/en/logs/vue/algeria_egypt_match_an_express/</link>
<guid>http://www.cermam.org/en/logs/vue/algeria_egypt_match_an_express/</guid>
<category>vue</category>
<pubDate>Thu, 03 Dec 2009 17:22:41 +0100</pubDate>
</item>
<item>
<title>Strike &quot;April 6&quot; in Egypt: Abortion of a rising labor movement?</title>
<description><![CDATA[<p><strong>Introduction :</strong></p>

<p>During the last years, and in a context of an increasing number of social protestation movements, Egypt has witnessed one of the largest social movements since 1975: The “Mahala EL Kobra” labor’s movement. Since the great strike of December 2006, a "spillover effect" occurred with an increase of the workers' strikes in Egypt. However, the 6th of April 2008 strike, had witnessed a transposition of the "Mahala" workers strike into the national level. The political opposition has based on this strike to declare a general strike in whole Egypt, a strike that never happened unless virtually. The workers' strike, for it, was aborted. Paradoxically, a huge popular uprising, the largest since 1975 has ignited. </p>

<p>In this context, our objective is to present the dynamics of the day April 6 in order to demonstrate: 1 - The limits of the political opposition. 2 – The obstacles that prevent the “Mahala” labor movement from being transformed into a political reality.</p>]]></description>
<link>http://www.cermam.org/en/logs/analysis/strike_april_6_in_egypt_aborti/</link>
<guid>http://www.cermam.org/en/logs/analysis/strike_april_6_in_egypt_aborti/</guid>
<category>analysis</category>
<pubDate>Thu, 03 Dec 2009 13:49:03 +0100</pubDate>
</item>
<item>
<title>Basler Zeitung</title>
<description>«Jetzt sind die Libyer erstmals in der Defensive»</description>
<link>http://www.cermam.org/en/logs/media/basler_zeitung/</link>
<guid>http://www.cermam.org/en/logs/media/basler_zeitung/</guid>
<category>media</category>
<pubDate>Thu, 19 Nov 2009 18:01:56 +0100</pubDate>
</item>
<item>
<title>Obama&apos;s Middle East policy, one year on</title>
<description><![CDATA[<p>November, 2008: to great acclaim, Barack Obama wins the US Presidential elections. From the previous administration he inherits two wars, namely in Iraq and Afghanistan, frayed international alliances and a series of challenges in the Middle East. One year on, little has been achieved, his critics say. But in October, 2009 the American President is controversially awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for his undaunted commitment to multilateral diplomacy and a world free of nuclear weapons. <br />
CERMAM asks Professor Roberto Aliboni (Vice-President of the Istituto Affari Internazionali -IAI- in Rome and expert on Middle Eastern and Mediterranean affairs) for an early assessment of Obama’s Middle East/Islamic world policies. </p>

<p>Interview realised by Chiara Sulmoni<br />
</p>]]></description>
<link>http://www.cermam.org/en/logs/analysis/cermam_questions_to_prof_rober/</link>
<guid>http://www.cermam.org/en/logs/analysis/cermam_questions_to_prof_rober/</guid>
<category>analysis</category>
<pubDate>Thu, 19 Nov 2009 17:53:12 +0100</pubDate>
</item>
<item>
<title>Youth, The Web and Cyber Activism in the Middle East : An Opinion from within</title>
<description><![CDATA[<p><strong>Esra’a Al-Shafei </strong>(Bahrain) is the Founder and Executive Director of mideastyouth.com, an independent interfaith network, where a vast and diverse cyber-community tackles and discusses controversial issues like human, minority and religious rights in the Middle East. She is a recent recipient of a TED Fellowship, an Echoing Green Fellowship and the Berkman Award from Harvard University’s Berkman Center for Internet and Society. Here she talks about her experience and expresses her views on the challenges of cyber-activism in the Arab world.</p>]]></description>
<link>http://www.cermam.org/en/logs/zoom/youth_the_web_and_cyberactivis/</link>
<guid>http://www.cermam.org/en/logs/zoom/youth_the_web_and_cyberactivis/</guid>
<category>zoom</category>
<pubDate>Tue, 13 Oct 2009 13:03:24 +0100</pubDate>
</item>
<item>
<title>The Italy-Libya Treaty on Friendship, Partnership and Cooperation </title>
<description><![CDATA[<p><strong>Interview with Natalino Ronzitti<br />
Professor, International Law (LUISS Guido Carli University, Rome); Scientific Advisor, IAI (Istituto Affari Internazionali, Rome)</strong></p>

<p>On 2nd March, 2009 the Treaty on Friendship, Partnership and Cooperation between Italy and Libya initially signed by PM Berlusconi and Col. Gheddafi on August 30th, 2008 was finally enforced. In June, the Libyan leader was invited for his first official state visit to Italy. </p>

<p><br />
 <strong>1. The Treaty on Friendship, Partnership and Cooperation is supposed to usher in a new era in bilateral relations. How significant is it for Italy and Libya respectively?</strong></p>

<p>A.	The Treaty paves the way for increasing and strengthening co-operation between the two countries, which never ended even at the height of major political tensions or during the period in which Libya was subjected to UN sanctions due to suspicions that it was supporting international terrorism. The Treaty should boost economic and trade relations between the two nations.</p>]]></description>
<link>http://www.cermam.org/en/logs/zoom/the_italylibya_treaty_on_frien_1/</link>
<guid>http://www.cermam.org/en/logs/zoom/the_italylibya_treaty_on_frien_1/</guid>
<category>zoom</category>
<pubDate>Mon, 20 Jul 2009 11:55:29 +0100</pubDate>
</item>
<item>
<title>Libya case reveals flaws in Swiss diplomacy </title>
<description><![CDATA[<p>Though some progress has been made to heal Swiss-Libyan ties in recent months, the Gaddafi affair has brought Switzerland into direct conflict with another government – unprecedented for a neutral country that champions diplomacy.</p>

<p>"Switzerland excels in mediation, but it has hardly ever been directly involved in a crisis with another state," said Hasni Abidi, director of the Study and Research Center for the Arab and Mediterranean World in Geneva. "The Gaddafi case has presented challenges."</p>

<p>So, looking back, what lessons can be drawn?</p>

<p>The government has locked horns with Geneva's cantonal authorities over who should be responsible for handling the case. The crisis that began on July 15, 2008, has not only tested the Swiss government's ability to resolve matters with dialogue but also the country's federalist system itself, Abidi says.</p>]]></description>
<link>http://www.cermam.org/en/logs/vue/libya_case_reveals_flaws_in_sw/</link>
<guid>http://www.cermam.org/en/logs/vue/libya_case_reveals_flaws_in_sw/</guid>
<category>vue</category>
<pubDate>Thu, 09 Jul 2009 11:33:44 +0100</pubDate>
</item>
<item>
<title>Islam&apos;s Fateful Path.</title>
<description><![CDATA[<p><strong><em> Zidane Meriboute, <em>Islam's Fateful Path. The Critical Choice Facing Modern Muslims</em>, I. B. Tauris, 2009 </em></strong></p>

<p><img alt="Zidane.jpg" src="http://www.cermam.org/en/images/Zidane.jpg" width="200" height="316" /></p>

<p>Increasingly Islam struggles against negative stereotypes as a religion of intolerance, extremism and fear, which has failed to meet the challenges of modernity. Zidane Meriboute here proposes a fresh perspective on the crisis facing Muslims today. His novel and original approach looks to the Islamic Sufi tradition and the progressive liberal though of the 12th century philosophers Ibn Rushd (Averroes) and Ibn Sina (Avicenna) as holding the key to a successful transition towards modernity. The humanity and questioning which both Sufism and this progressive thought engender can produce – according to the author – the foundations of a new Muslim worldview contrary to the current and dangerous fundamentalisms. Salafi thinkers and others who claim to be returning to an austere and ascetic interpretation of early Islam have, in Meriboute’s view, highjacked their faith and produced two negative outcomes. Firstly, they have blocked the path towards the evolution of any kind of modernist thinking among Muslims. And secondly, they have created a rhetoric and encouraged events (most notoriously, 9/11) which have resulted in the demonization of their tradition. As the Muslim and non-Muslim worlds grapple to understand how Islam is likely to evolve in the 21st century, the appearance of this book, with its emphasis on the religion’s progressive traditions, marks a vital contribution to a better understanding of one of today’s most intractable problems.</p>]]></description>
<link>http://www.cermam.org/en/logs/book/islams_fateful_path/</link>
<guid>http://www.cermam.org/en/logs/book/islams_fateful_path/</guid>
<category>book</category>
<pubDate>Fri, 22 May 2009 14:52:03 +0100</pubDate>
</item>
<item>
<title>Radio DW</title>
<description>Élections algériennes</description>
<link>http://www.cermam.org/en/logs/media/radio_dw/</link>
<guid>http://www.cermam.org/en/logs/media/radio_dw/</guid>
<category>media</category>
<pubDate>Thu, 12 Feb 2009 17:17:12 +0100</pubDate>
</item>
<item>
<title>Iraq faces test-case provincial election</title>
<description><![CDATA[<p><img alt="elections irak.jpg" src="http://www.cermam.org/en/elections%20irak.jpg" width="277" height="210" /></p>

<p>The election - the first since 2005 - will measure the popularity of Iraq's main coalitions and set the tone for parliamentary elections in late 2009 as US forces stand poised to withdraw from the country.</p>

<p>Holding the ballot is seen as an important sign that Iraq has emerged from the worst of the violence that engulfed it after the invasion in 2003 and worsened after the last election in 2005.</p>

<p>"The big hope is that these elections will contribute to settling political differences by democratic means instead of violence as was unfortunately the case after the elections in 2005," Swiss ambassador to Iraq, Martin Aeschbacher, told swissinfo.</p>

<p>"They should allow political imbalances to be corrected which resulted from the provincial and national elections in 2005, which were partially boycotted by important segments of the population, mainly Sunni Arabs and followers of Moqtada al-Sadr."</p>

<p>There is no shortage of enthusiasm for democracy almost six years after the US-led invasion to oust Saddam Hussein. Some 14,400 candidates, including nearly 4,000 women, are competing for 444 seats on ruling councils in 14 of the country's 18 provinces.</p>

<p>The central authorities in Baghdad still control the nation's overall policies, but the councils have wide powers such as cutting commercial deals and setting spending priorities.</p>

<p>Iraq is starting to see the light at the end of the tunnel, said Hasni Abidi, the director of the Study and Research Centre for the Arab and Mediterranean World in Geneva.</p>

<p>"There is a return to political normality among the candidates and voters," he said. "It's the first time since the fall of Saddam Hussein that Iraqis will be able to vote for candidates whose faces are not hidden."</p>

<p>"The US occupation is no longer an issue; voters are interested in everyday concerns – unemployment, healthcare, etc."</p>

<p>Redraw the landscape<br />
The provincial poll will set the political climate for a national election due later this year, in which Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki will fight to keep his mandate.</p>

<p>Al-Maliki, who claims credit countrywide for better security but has little clout in the provinces, is aiming to win a share of regional power from larger rival Shi'ite parties.</p>

<p>Elsewhere, Sunni Arabs who boycotted the last provincial polls are seeking a bigger share of local power.</p>

<p>Maliki's Shi'ite rivals, the Supreme Islamic Iraqi Council, control nearly all southern provinces and could tighten their grip. Another potent Shi'ite group, followers of anti-American cleric Moqtada al-Sadr, is on the back foot after Maliki's troops and US air power defeated their militia last year.</p>

<p>In the volatile north, US officials hope the vote can ease violence by bringing once-hostile Sunni Arabs into politics.</p>

<p>"Overall, we will see a confirmation of the traditional parties and new alliances, especially with the Sunnis," said Abidi.</p>

<p>Test of stability<br />
The provincial election is an important test of Iraq's stability. Serious violence would cast doubt over Iraq's future and could influence US President Barack Obama's decision on how fast to remove the 142,000 American troops.</p>

<p>In his presidential campaign Obama pledged to withdraw troops by May 2010. But any serious attacks could raise worries in Washington about the timetable and the capabilities of Iraqi forces to handle major security operations on their own.</p>

<p>Despite daily attacks, the election campaign so far has not seen the surge in violence feared by US and Iraqi commanders.</p>

<p>"Security has improved considerably," said Abidi. "The US and Iraqi authorities have changed their strategy and it has paid off. There will be tensions and pockets of violence, but the election is taking place in a different atmosphere."</p>

<p>Remaining challenges<br />
Many Iraqis talk of change, and hope the election will reform regional governments that spend billions of dollars of state funds but are widely seen as corrupt, unaccountable and beholden to the interests of feuding sectarian groups.</p>

<p>The most recent US Pentagon report to Congress, issued in December, summarized the growing frustrations of many Iraqis and the sketchy progress by US and Iraqi reconstruction teams: shortages of clean water, electricity cuts, overtaxed sewage systems.</p>

<p>"The lack of essential services has now replaced security as the most important concern in the minds of most Iraqis," the report said.</p>

<p>The list of remaining challenges is long, said the Swiss ambassador.</p>

<p>"This includes reviewing the constitution, enacting a hydrocarbons law, reaching compromises over the so called 'disputed' territories - in particular Kirkuk - disbanding militias and creating truly non-sectarian security forces, fighting corruption and bureaucracy, defining the degree of decentralisation, federalism... without forgetting the huge social and economic problems," said Aeschbacher.</p>

<p>It may be at least a month before the poll outcome is clear. Preliminary counts will not be available for days and the final tally for weeks. Then it could take weeks more for councils to meet, form coalitions and pick new governors.</p>

<p><em> Simon Bradley<br />
swissinfo </em></p>]]></description>
<link>http://www.cermam.org/en/logs/vue/iraq_faces_testcase_provincial/</link>
<guid>http://www.cermam.org/en/logs/vue/iraq_faces_testcase_provincial/</guid>
<category>vue</category>
<pubDate>Thu, 12 Feb 2009 15:34:35 +0100</pubDate>
</item>
<item>
<title>Stop assassination of Iraq’s elite</title>
<description><![CDATA[<p>Since 2003, Iraq’s death toll continues to rise. More than 250 Iraqi scientists and academics have been assassinated in disturbing circumstances, paying with their lives for their commitment to knowledge and culture. <br />
Iraq’s reconstruction, for which the international community has agreed to pay large amounts of money, is still on hold: the central issue of human capital is still being ignored.   <br />
Since its creation in March 2006, the International Committee of Solidarity with Iraqi Scholars has been working with Iraqi authorities, neighbouring countries, civil society and international organizations, in order to come up with concrete solutions to help the threatened career. <br />
With the assassination of Iraq’s elite, which is depriving the country of its main asset, we launched on 16 March 2006, in Geneva, Paris and New York, an international call for the defence and protection of Iraqi academics and scientists, asking Iraqi authorities, multinational forces and other players involved to take all possible measures to ensure secure and good working conditions for Iraqi students so that they could benefit from free and independent access to knowledge.   <br />
The International Committee of Solidarity with Iraqi Scholars and their elected representatives in all universities in the country welcome the interest shown by the international community to the daily struggle of thousands of Iraqi scientists<br />
<em>--Hasni ABIDI<br />
Director of CERMAM</em></p>]]></description>
<link>http://www.cermam.org/en/logs/editorial/stop_assassination_of_iraqs_el/</link>
<guid>http://www.cermam.org/en/logs/editorial/stop_assassination_of_iraqs_el/</guid>
<category>editorial</category>
<pubDate>Fri, 26 Sep 2008 13:56:47 +0100</pubDate>
</item>
<item>
<title>Condoleezza Rice in the Maghreb: the underside of a round</title>
<description></description>
<link>http://www.cermam.org/en/logs/theme/condoleezza_rice_in_the_maghre/</link>
<guid>http://www.cermam.org/en/logs/theme/condoleezza_rice_in_the_maghre/</guid>
<category>theme</category>
<pubDate>Tue, 23 Sep 2008 11:05:26 +0100</pubDate>
</item>


</channel>
</rss>
